“Warrior Women and Women Chiefs”
This chapter began with an introduction on how European men first viewed Native American women; either as objects of forbidden desire or as repulsive or both. Also, the author points out that many of the “histories” of native women have been altered to make them seem more “white” such as the story of Pocahontas. He then goes on to describe how some tribes, like the Mohave, had many genders even with in the category of the female sex. With in every tribe that had female berdaches, there were also male berdaches. The only region where there is hard evidence of female berdaches is west of the Rocky Mountains. Female berdaches were only prominent in hunter gatherer societies. He then went on to describe three groups of women; Indian Queens, Women Warriors, and Alternative Genders. The Indian queens were hetero sexual tribal leaders. According to Roscoe they “represented a mode of female autonomy linked to social stratification and inherited leadership” (75). Women who were know for the warrior skills were different. He describes the stories of three in particular; Kuiliy, Woman Chief, and Running Eagle. Kuiliy was the most likely of the three to be recognized as a berdache. Woman Chief was a woman adopted by the Crow tribe who grew to be a well respected member of the tribe, she even rose to the highest status an adopted member could reach. The last woman warrior that Roscoe described was Running Eagle. Her true story is a mystery as she has been used as a heroine of a few different novels, each which claims to be the truth, and yet tell different stories. For examples of alternative gendered women Roscoe tells the stories of Lozen and Masahai Amatkwisai. Lozen was an Apache warrior and shaman. She and her companion Dahteste were amongst the prisoners in Florida. Masahai Amatkwisai was a Mohave hwame, shaman, and then a witch. In the 1930’s she was the subject of a study performed by the psychoanalytical anthropologist George Devereux.
The prevailing theme throughout this chapter was the way in which European and Euro-American men recorded the facts. When discussing native women who were sexually involved with other women, they would “heterosexualize” their stories. This was especially apparent in the story of Running Eagle. The first time a novel was published about her, she vows never to marry and has an attractive female housemate. In the following stories it becomes a religious vow and her housemate is not mentioned. Even later she becomes a widow who vows to never again be with another man, and then is destroyed by the gods when she breaks her vow and has sexual interactions with a member of her war party. Another good example of this is the psychoanalytical study of Masahai Amatkwisai. Devereux conducted very one sided research, not asking into her childhood or talking to one of her former wives who was still alive at the time. I feel that he already knew what he wanted the study to say, which contradicts things that contemporary Mohave people say.
Tuesday, September 30, 2008
Many Tender Ties: Chapters 2 & 3
Chapter 2: The Custom of the Country
This chapter begins with explaining how the marriage between a Native woman and a fur trader in an indigenous marriage rite called “after the custom of the country” was initially encouraged by the Natives. Because kinship was such an important part of Indian culture, they felt that by allowing the fur traders into their families through marriage they would receive in return free access to the posts and provisions. The passage goes on to give examples of many members of the fur trade hierarchy who married the daughters of prominent chiefs which then allowed them to become very successful. Many of the unions started out as a means of bettering trade relations and for economic reasons. However, they developed into very devoted marriages. This dedication to their wives maybe attributed to the fact that there were no white women in the area. In places where even a small group of British women were present, they defended their role in the community as wives and mothers to a degree that did not allow for the men in their societies to enter wedlock with Native Americans. However, men still craved the presence of a family, so without the option of women of their own culture, they valued Native American women for the role of wife and mother. In order to take an Indian bride, or perform “the custom of the country,” a trader must first obtain her parents permission. He then must pay the bride price. The bride price varied depending on the tribe, and in some cases, as in the custom of the Chinook, involved the exchange of gifts. To finalize the union between the trader and the Indian band the smoking of the calumet was performed. The trader would then escort his new bride from her home to the fort, where the other women of the fort would “cleanse” her for her new husband by washing off the paint and grease and dressing her in European style clothing. Because marriage to Indian women was prohibited by the Hudson Bay Company, this ceremony was recorded mostly by traders of the North West Company. However, the traders of the Hudson Bay Company were still influenced by Natives in their region, and began the practice of taking more than one wife. During the time at the Hudson Bay Company, or the Company, before the men were allowed to take Indian wives, altercations occurred between the officers who tried to enforce the rules, but did not follow them, and their men. Thus, having an Indian wife became a sign of rank. The chapter goes on to describe how some of the relationships, especially those of the traders, or Nor’Westers, who had to travel remained a bit fluid, resulting in the wives returning to their tribes while the trader moved to a different area and found a new wife. This is called “serial monogamy” in the book. The author does stress however, that “the development of distinct family units was the dominant trend” (47). There was also a group of men who after finishing their term with the North West Company, opted to stay in the ‘wilderness’ and live providing for their families though hunting and trading with the posts. This group of men was called “free men.” The men who worked for the Hudson Bay Company did not have it as easy, as they were forbidden to stay and “settle” in the territory and also forbidden to bring their families back to England. Nor’Westers were allowed to bring their families back with them, but few ever did. The women who were left behind returned to their own families. This became increasingly difficult for those who had been in long relationships with the trader. Quite often they were very far from home. Sometimes the trader set up a system with the post which would provide for his family off his annuity after he was gone. Others made arrangements to leave his wife as the wife of another officer at the post. Many other traders despised the idea of leaving their families behind. One was quoted as saying, “ ‘The abandoning of a family, of whatever color they may be, is a severe trial to the feelings’ .” (51) The chapter finishes by expressing the legitimacy of a marriage ‘a la façon du pays’ (French for ‘the custom of the country.’) Even though these marriages were “contracted without the benefit of clergy” (52), they were just as bona fide as any other marital union. These marriages were very important in the development of social ties between the fur traders and the Natives, as well as for the growth of the distinct fur trade society.
The key points of this chapter which are relevant to this class are the blending of cultures and societies, assimilation, and the economical benefits of marriage leading to the emotional bonds of family. The ceremony which provided a legitimate marriage in both the eyes of the Indians and in the eyes of traders shows the blending of cultures. It is important to note that while the traditions were mainly those of the native peoples, they respected these traditions and fulfilled the duties of the contract which benefited both him, by gaining more trade, and the family, by having access to the post and its provisions. The wives of the traders, and their children, became assimilated into the European culture, at least partially, just by living in the fort and being surrounded by it most of their lives. Also, as part of the ceremony, when the new wife comes home, the other women in the fort remove part of her Indian identity by washing away the grease and paints and changing their clothes from the leathers they would wear at home with their families, to more European style clothing. While many of the men entered into these marriages as an economic benefit to themselves, they also gained companionship, a family, and an emotional tie to the Native American culture, even if only a small part of it. This can be seen in many of the wills left by traders which instead that his wife and children be taken care of.
Chapter 3: Your Honors Servants
This chapter really illustrated how dependent the fur traders were on Native women. It began by giving an idea of the types of tasks the women were responsible for and how much work was done to feed, clothe, and make a living for the family of a fur trader. Some of the things the women were responsible for were making shoes; both moccasins and snow shoes, preparing and storing food, fishing, snaring small game, dressing furs, helping build canoes, sometimes manning the canoes, and gathering berries and other herbs and plants that were needed. They did all this and raised a family, which sometimes involved watching over a lot of children. Native women were also very important on journeys inland. As one man put it, a journey with out a women seemed “doomed for failure.” The women functioned as guides, mediators, and interpreters. A young Chipewyan woman by the name of Thanadelthur played a very important role in the 1715-16 peace negations between the Cree and the Chipewyan on Governor Knight’s expedition. Women also actively participated in the fur trade. They traditionally trapped small fur bearing animals and were quite good at it. The main point of this chapter was to show how the fur traders were very dependent on the Native women not only for companionship, but also because they made very valuable economic partners. However, the chapter also really shows how these women’s abilities were exploited and taken advantage of without fair compensation. By treating them as slaves, it was just another step in the dehumanization of their race.
Van Kirk, Sylvia. Many Tender Ties : Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870. New York: University of Oklahoma P, 1983. 28-73.
This chapter begins with explaining how the marriage between a Native woman and a fur trader in an indigenous marriage rite called “after the custom of the country” was initially encouraged by the Natives. Because kinship was such an important part of Indian culture, they felt that by allowing the fur traders into their families through marriage they would receive in return free access to the posts and provisions. The passage goes on to give examples of many members of the fur trade hierarchy who married the daughters of prominent chiefs which then allowed them to become very successful. Many of the unions started out as a means of bettering trade relations and for economic reasons. However, they developed into very devoted marriages. This dedication to their wives maybe attributed to the fact that there were no white women in the area. In places where even a small group of British women were present, they defended their role in the community as wives and mothers to a degree that did not allow for the men in their societies to enter wedlock with Native Americans. However, men still craved the presence of a family, so without the option of women of their own culture, they valued Native American women for the role of wife and mother. In order to take an Indian bride, or perform “the custom of the country,” a trader must first obtain her parents permission. He then must pay the bride price. The bride price varied depending on the tribe, and in some cases, as in the custom of the Chinook, involved the exchange of gifts. To finalize the union between the trader and the Indian band the smoking of the calumet was performed. The trader would then escort his new bride from her home to the fort, where the other women of the fort would “cleanse” her for her new husband by washing off the paint and grease and dressing her in European style clothing. Because marriage to Indian women was prohibited by the Hudson Bay Company, this ceremony was recorded mostly by traders of the North West Company. However, the traders of the Hudson Bay Company were still influenced by Natives in their region, and began the practice of taking more than one wife. During the time at the Hudson Bay Company, or the Company, before the men were allowed to take Indian wives, altercations occurred between the officers who tried to enforce the rules, but did not follow them, and their men. Thus, having an Indian wife became a sign of rank. The chapter goes on to describe how some of the relationships, especially those of the traders, or Nor’Westers, who had to travel remained a bit fluid, resulting in the wives returning to their tribes while the trader moved to a different area and found a new wife. This is called “serial monogamy” in the book. The author does stress however, that “the development of distinct family units was the dominant trend” (47). There was also a group of men who after finishing their term with the North West Company, opted to stay in the ‘wilderness’ and live providing for their families though hunting and trading with the posts. This group of men was called “free men.” The men who worked for the Hudson Bay Company did not have it as easy, as they were forbidden to stay and “settle” in the territory and also forbidden to bring their families back to England. Nor’Westers were allowed to bring their families back with them, but few ever did. The women who were left behind returned to their own families. This became increasingly difficult for those who had been in long relationships with the trader. Quite often they were very far from home. Sometimes the trader set up a system with the post which would provide for his family off his annuity after he was gone. Others made arrangements to leave his wife as the wife of another officer at the post. Many other traders despised the idea of leaving their families behind. One was quoted as saying, “ ‘The abandoning of a family, of whatever color they may be, is a severe trial to the feelings’ .” (51) The chapter finishes by expressing the legitimacy of a marriage ‘a la façon du pays’ (French for ‘the custom of the country.’) Even though these marriages were “contracted without the benefit of clergy” (52), they were just as bona fide as any other marital union. These marriages were very important in the development of social ties between the fur traders and the Natives, as well as for the growth of the distinct fur trade society.
The key points of this chapter which are relevant to this class are the blending of cultures and societies, assimilation, and the economical benefits of marriage leading to the emotional bonds of family. The ceremony which provided a legitimate marriage in both the eyes of the Indians and in the eyes of traders shows the blending of cultures. It is important to note that while the traditions were mainly those of the native peoples, they respected these traditions and fulfilled the duties of the contract which benefited both him, by gaining more trade, and the family, by having access to the post and its provisions. The wives of the traders, and their children, became assimilated into the European culture, at least partially, just by living in the fort and being surrounded by it most of their lives. Also, as part of the ceremony, when the new wife comes home, the other women in the fort remove part of her Indian identity by washing away the grease and paints and changing their clothes from the leathers they would wear at home with their families, to more European style clothing. While many of the men entered into these marriages as an economic benefit to themselves, they also gained companionship, a family, and an emotional tie to the Native American culture, even if only a small part of it. This can be seen in many of the wills left by traders which instead that his wife and children be taken care of.
Chapter 3: Your Honors Servants
This chapter really illustrated how dependent the fur traders were on Native women. It began by giving an idea of the types of tasks the women were responsible for and how much work was done to feed, clothe, and make a living for the family of a fur trader. Some of the things the women were responsible for were making shoes; both moccasins and snow shoes, preparing and storing food, fishing, snaring small game, dressing furs, helping build canoes, sometimes manning the canoes, and gathering berries and other herbs and plants that were needed. They did all this and raised a family, which sometimes involved watching over a lot of children. Native women were also very important on journeys inland. As one man put it, a journey with out a women seemed “doomed for failure.” The women functioned as guides, mediators, and interpreters. A young Chipewyan woman by the name of Thanadelthur played a very important role in the 1715-16 peace negations between the Cree and the Chipewyan on Governor Knight’s expedition. Women also actively participated in the fur trade. They traditionally trapped small fur bearing animals and were quite good at it. The main point of this chapter was to show how the fur traders were very dependent on the Native women not only for companionship, but also because they made very valuable economic partners. However, the chapter also really shows how these women’s abilities were exploited and taken advantage of without fair compensation. By treating them as slaves, it was just another step in the dehumanization of their race.
Van Kirk, Sylvia. Many Tender Ties : Women in Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870. New York: University of Oklahoma P, 1983. 28-73.
Monday, September 29, 2008
Changing Ones: Chapters 1 & 2
Chapter one of Changing Ones begins with an introduction into third and fourth genders in Native American society along with an explanation of the history or the word berdache. A berdache is a third of fourth gender Native American. Before colonization, berdaches were common, and looked up to in many tribes in North America. They were people who born male or female, yet participated in the work typical of the other sex. They sometimes chose to dress in the clothing of the other sex, or in a grab unique to themselves. The Europeans and other Euro-Americans who encountered these aspects of third and fourth genders were very un-excepting due to their beliefs in a binary gender system. The author, Will Roscoe, goes into detail to make sure that the reader understands the history of the word berdache, and how he makes use of the word, in order to stress the importance of how “berdache” does not carry negative connotations. Will then goes on to describe the interaction of the berdaches with the other members of their tribes. As far as sexual relationships went, berdaches were generally known to interact with members of their same sex. Members of the community often felt that because berdaches were powerful, by having sex with one, you could gain some of their power. This excepting view of same sex sexual relations stems from a belief in two types of sex; reproductive and non reproductive. The Euro-Americans could not comprehend this because of a long standing, religious based idea that anything other that procreative sex was sinful. As most of the accounts of encounters with berdaches were recorded by the Euro-Americans, the little that can be found is most likely tainted by their biases. This makes it difficult to study them and compare their life styles between different native groups. However, the author goes on to briefly describe berdaches in the South East, the Northeast and Woodlands, the Plains, the Arctic and subarctic, the Northwest Coast and Columbia Platue, and the West and Southwest. Afterwards, he wraps up the chapter by describing how Euro-American beliefs and views have hidden this aspect of Native American culture and prevented the study of it until the 1980s.
The second chapter begins by introducing Lieutenant Hugh L. Scott, a young officer of the US cavalry in 1877 who became interested in the life of Osh-Tisch, a well know Crow berdache. He interviewed Osh-Tisch and recorded in his notes stories and information of the Crow boté, or berdaches. Osh-Tisch grew up in the transitional period for the Crow, where they went from wandering freely to living in the eyes of the US government on the reservation. He was very well respected as a talented artist, powerful medicine person, and skilled warrior. Will Roscoe goes on to tell stories of Osh-Tisch’s life including not only his accomplishments, but also of his attempted forced assimilation. The chapter ends describing how Christianity was used as a means of turning the Crow against the boté and that it is probably the reason that their have been no more since Osh-Tisch.
So far I have learned a lot from this book. Before reading it, I had never thought about third or fourth gendered people in Native American culture. It is disappointing that so information and culture has been lost over the years. I feel that there is so much we could learn from this culture and how they viewed gender and sexuality. They way the Euro-Americans used Christianity and forced assimilation to mold the Native cultures into what they felt was the ‘right’ way to live. Combined with the other tools used to colonize such as gender violence and oppression of women, I can easily see how the Euro-American society ‘lost’ the third and fourth gender natives.
Roscoe, Will. Changing Ones : Third and Fourth Genders in Native North America. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000. 3-38.
The second chapter begins by introducing Lieutenant Hugh L. Scott, a young officer of the US cavalry in 1877 who became interested in the life of Osh-Tisch, a well know Crow berdache. He interviewed Osh-Tisch and recorded in his notes stories and information of the Crow boté, or berdaches. Osh-Tisch grew up in the transitional period for the Crow, where they went from wandering freely to living in the eyes of the US government on the reservation. He was very well respected as a talented artist, powerful medicine person, and skilled warrior. Will Roscoe goes on to tell stories of Osh-Tisch’s life including not only his accomplishments, but also of his attempted forced assimilation. The chapter ends describing how Christianity was used as a means of turning the Crow against the boté and that it is probably the reason that their have been no more since Osh-Tisch.
So far I have learned a lot from this book. Before reading it, I had never thought about third or fourth gendered people in Native American culture. It is disappointing that so information and culture has been lost over the years. I feel that there is so much we could learn from this culture and how they viewed gender and sexuality. They way the Euro-Americans used Christianity and forced assimilation to mold the Native cultures into what they felt was the ‘right’ way to live. Combined with the other tools used to colonize such as gender violence and oppression of women, I can easily see how the Euro-American society ‘lost’ the third and fourth gender natives.
Roscoe, Will. Changing Ones : Third and Fourth Genders in Native North America. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000. 3-38.
Thursday, September 25, 2008
Women and Power in Native North America: Chapters 2 & 3
Gender in Inuit Society
This chapter began with an introduction which explained some of the misconceptions about Inuit society and the position women held with in it. The chapter then goes on to explain how in reality, the house hold work was divided between the men and the women into complimentary work responsibilities. This provided equality in domestic relations, as the work done by one party was needed to insure the success of the second party and vise versa. Also, if the need should arise, men and women would perform the tasks of the others usual work. The way the family structures were organized varied depending on region. One main similarity, though, was the position of the ‘grandmother.’ Men generally had the say over women his age and younger, but everyone answered to the elder female. This was not to say that the women didn’t influence the men. A woman might advise her husband in private, or, during a meeting of men in her own household, might make a snide comment to the wall if her husband said something she did not agree with. Because women would talk amongst themselves and then make suggestions to their husbands, their votes would be recognized in a third party manner. Also, the men did not want to be embarrassed by the elder female at a large group meeting which also encouraged them to listen to their wives. The chapter ended with a description of how the Inuit believed that souls were ‘recycled’ and your personality could be born into either a male or female body.
Rank and Gender in Tlingit Society
This chapter discussed the culture of the Tlingit people of the northwest coastal tribes. Especially unique to this group, was their class structure based on wealth. Also, they were known for their strong women. These women were not well liked the by the missionaries and traders because they did not fit the European gender role of passive and submissive. Instead they resisted the idea that the white man’s god said that all women must obey their husbands and they were in charge of a lot of the trading and ran a hard bargain. Because the social structure was based on wealth, anyone, man or women, could rise up to the top of the society. Ideally, the poorest and lowest person could better their position to become one of the most important in society, but a lot of it had to do with how you were born into society, as a mother could increase her children’s rank. To show their social status, people would through potlatches were they would put on a big feast and give gifts to their guests. Another way a person could gain status was to become a shaman or a witch, either of which could be man or woman. This chapter also described how the marriage, clans, and family structure were organized. This part confused me a lot. If anyone who reads this understood how that worked, I would really appreciate it if you could try to explain it to me in a comment, because I am still very curious.
I think that the main purpose of these two chapters is to inform the reader on the position of women in the Inuit and Tlingit societies and to dispel any myths or preconceived ideas one might have heard about them. They are important to this class to show the diversity of different native populations and their societal structures throughout North America. I found both chapters to be very interesting reading and I would like to learn more, especially about the Tlingit, because I learned a little bit about them growing up and it is interesting to relearn it again, but with an adult’s perspective.
Klein, Laura P., and Dillan A. Ackerman. Women and Power in Native America. OK: Univeristy of Oklamhoma P, 1995. 17-45.
This chapter began with an introduction which explained some of the misconceptions about Inuit society and the position women held with in it. The chapter then goes on to explain how in reality, the house hold work was divided between the men and the women into complimentary work responsibilities. This provided equality in domestic relations, as the work done by one party was needed to insure the success of the second party and vise versa. Also, if the need should arise, men and women would perform the tasks of the others usual work. The way the family structures were organized varied depending on region. One main similarity, though, was the position of the ‘grandmother.’ Men generally had the say over women his age and younger, but everyone answered to the elder female. This was not to say that the women didn’t influence the men. A woman might advise her husband in private, or, during a meeting of men in her own household, might make a snide comment to the wall if her husband said something she did not agree with. Because women would talk amongst themselves and then make suggestions to their husbands, their votes would be recognized in a third party manner. Also, the men did not want to be embarrassed by the elder female at a large group meeting which also encouraged them to listen to their wives. The chapter ended with a description of how the Inuit believed that souls were ‘recycled’ and your personality could be born into either a male or female body.
Rank and Gender in Tlingit Society
This chapter discussed the culture of the Tlingit people of the northwest coastal tribes. Especially unique to this group, was their class structure based on wealth. Also, they were known for their strong women. These women were not well liked the by the missionaries and traders because they did not fit the European gender role of passive and submissive. Instead they resisted the idea that the white man’s god said that all women must obey their husbands and they were in charge of a lot of the trading and ran a hard bargain. Because the social structure was based on wealth, anyone, man or women, could rise up to the top of the society. Ideally, the poorest and lowest person could better their position to become one of the most important in society, but a lot of it had to do with how you were born into society, as a mother could increase her children’s rank. To show their social status, people would through potlatches were they would put on a big feast and give gifts to their guests. Another way a person could gain status was to become a shaman or a witch, either of which could be man or woman. This chapter also described how the marriage, clans, and family structure were organized. This part confused me a lot. If anyone who reads this understood how that worked, I would really appreciate it if you could try to explain it to me in a comment, because I am still very curious.
I think that the main purpose of these two chapters is to inform the reader on the position of women in the Inuit and Tlingit societies and to dispel any myths or preconceived ideas one might have heard about them. They are important to this class to show the diversity of different native populations and their societal structures throughout North America. I found both chapters to be very interesting reading and I would like to learn more, especially about the Tlingit, because I learned a little bit about them growing up and it is interesting to relearn it again, but with an adult’s perspective.
Klein, Laura P., and Dillan A. Ackerman. Women and Power in Native America. OK: Univeristy of Oklamhoma P, 1995. 17-45.
Gender
This article was very brief, but contained a lot of information. I had not put much thought into the definition of gender before reading it. The article began with summing up the idea of gender theory. It did not give a distinct definition of what gender theory is, but explained that there are many different theories and different people have there own ideas behind which ones are correct. The article then goes on to differentiate gender from sex and explain ‘gender identity’, ‘gender role’, and ‘gender expression’. I think that the main point of this article was to open up the readers mind about different views of gender. When the author says, “The range of meanings of the word ‘gender’ can take creates a real dilemma” she is emphasizing this point and goes on to give some definitions that give possible paths to help clarify this dilemma. The theme of this short article ties into our class work with the idea of gender roles and the different views the Euro-American settlers had regarding gender than the Native Americans.
Serene, Anne. "Gender." Anne Serene's Trans Reference. 18 Sept. 2008
http://www.humbolt.edu/~mpw1/gender_theory/.
Serene, Anne. "Gender." Anne Serene's Trans Reference. 18 Sept. 2008
http://www.humbolt.edu/~mpw1/gender_theory/.
Thursday, September 18, 2008
Don’t Let the Sun Step Over You: Intro, Chapters 1 & 2
The introduction of the book briefly introduces the author Eva Tulene Watt and gives a short chronology of her life. This is a small preview to the stories that will be read later on in the book and is mostly just an explanation of how the came to be on paper. It also describes how family stories were past down in traditional Apache culture; vocally. In this way the author suggest that the book can be picked at any time and read in any order, as one might have received the stories from family members.
Don’t Let the Sun Step Over You is a very interesting book to read. I feel that, of all the things we have read so far, this is the most informative about what everyday life was like for the Apache at this time in history. At first, I had a hard time with the writing style, which is a lot like listening to someone speak. It was hard for me to follow and I was confused about who the relatives were. However, after reading a bit more, I fell into the rhythm and I am pretty sure that the terms grandpa and grandma are also applied to the siblings of the author’s parents’ parents. Another thing that I was confused about was the notations F-1, F-2, and A-2. One aspect of the writing that I really like are the stories embedded within the other stories. For example, the story for which the book was named after, “Don’t Let the Sun Step Over You,” contains two other stories told by other people inside it. I also like how the age of the story teller at the time that the story occurred, comes through in the observations she makes. In the story “She Used to Hide Me All the Time,” you can get a sense of how young she is by her descriptions of what is happening and by her level of perceived threat of being found. One of the many things that I learned from this text was more about the assimilation schools. I knew that they were generally awful places but I did not realize that they hunted to children, captured them, and just took them to the schools, or that the things they taught them there were dress making and wood chopping. Overall, I greatly enjoyed this reading and found it to be both interesting and educational.
Don’t Let the Sun Step Over You is a very interesting book to read. I feel that, of all the things we have read so far, this is the most informative about what everyday life was like for the Apache at this time in history. At first, I had a hard time with the writing style, which is a lot like listening to someone speak. It was hard for me to follow and I was confused about who the relatives were. However, after reading a bit more, I fell into the rhythm and I am pretty sure that the terms grandpa and grandma are also applied to the siblings of the author’s parents’ parents. Another thing that I was confused about was the notations F-1, F-2, and A-2. One aspect of the writing that I really like are the stories embedded within the other stories. For example, the story for which the book was named after, “Don’t Let the Sun Step Over You,” contains two other stories told by other people inside it. I also like how the age of the story teller at the time that the story occurred, comes through in the observations she makes. In the story “She Used to Hide Me All the Time,” you can get a sense of how young she is by her descriptions of what is happening and by her level of perceived threat of being found. One of the many things that I learned from this text was more about the assimilation schools. I knew that they were generally awful places but I did not realize that they hunted to children, captured them, and just took them to the schools, or that the things they taught them there were dress making and wood chopping. Overall, I greatly enjoyed this reading and found it to be both interesting and educational.
Dissident Women: Chapter 3
This chapter describes the changes of gender roles with regards to indigenous women in Chiapas, Mexico over the last thirty to forty years. As a religious culture, the women began to learn group organizational skills in the late sixties and seventies when the San Cristobal Diocese began groups to inspire women to evolve with respect to the ideas of the church. The church promoted them to reinvent the view of the ‘subordinate women’ within themselves and their communities. This was not an instant change but possibly helped instigate an internalization of the idea that things could change. Then in 1983, the CIOAC, or the Independent Organization of Agricultural Workers and Peasants, organized a march to Mexico City. This march was to promote the peasant agenda and make the nation aware of their struggles over the land. Women participated in the march, but were not part of the political process. Also, the women who participated were there, not to represent themselves or to represent other women, but because they did not have a husband or an old enough son to represent their family. Still, this was a new direction because the women were realizing that they could affect how things changed and possibly better the future for their children. In 2001, there was another march on the capital, this time by the EZLN, or Zapatista National Liberation Army. This march was directed towards indigenous rights and autonomy. There were many parallels between the marches, but the small differences, as the book explains, show best how the gender roles have evolved. The women in the second march were there as representatives for the other Zapatista and indigenous women. Also, they took part in the political discussions. These marches were not the only way women participated in these movements. In the eighties, after the peasants “invaded” the land, the women stood face to face with paramilitary and defended the land, while the men hid in the hills. The women were viewed as pacific victims and were there for able to hold the land with out engaging in physical battles and gun fights, while the men had warrants out for their arrest and would be less helpful to the community if they were killed or imprisoned. This was repeated again in 1997, but this time with the women and babies on the front line and the men and children behind them, all standing their ground with pacifism.
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